Women's participation in Decision Making and Leadership (1997)

TITLE:    	Women's participation in Decision-making and
		Leadership: A Global Perspective (1997)
This document has been made available in electronic format
by the International Co-operative Alliance (ICA)
May, 1997
(Source: Coop Dialogue, Vol. 5, No. 1, Jan-April,1997,pp.1-7)

Women's Participation in Decision Making and Leadership: 
A Global Perspective

For those of us who were privileged to attend both the NGO Forum in
Huairou and the Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing proper, an
outstanding feature of the experience was the very marked contrast in
decision-making and leadership at the two events. The NGO Forum really
was a women's forum, run by women, focused on women's issues and
concerns and attended by a predominantly female audience. Although the
comparatively small number of men who attended the Forum often
participated quite actively and enthusiastically in individual events, overall
they played a very peripheral and marginal role. Had they not been there,
little would have changed.

By contrast, at the UN Conference in Beijing the picture was substantially
reversed. Although it was an event on which women and women's issues
ostensibly comprised the entire agenda, the players, the environment and
the sub-text were quite different. Although many of the delegations to the
Conference included significant numbers of women and many of the NGO
women from Huairou also attended, dark suits predominated. More than
half of the official government speakers were men and one soon realized
that their decisions would carry the day rather than those of the women.

I was surprised to see that the women with whom we had worked in
Huairou who also attended the Conference suddenly looked. They dressed
differently, more somberly and more formally. They also behaved
differently. Where colourful, laughing and informal cross-national groups
had sprung up out of new friendships and common interests in Huairou, in
Beijing national groups representing more specific country interests
dominated. Delegates clustered around their (often male) leaders with
serious expressions, lobbying, negotiating and dealing for the outcome they
(that is, their country, the male leaders) desired. The emphasis on
substantive issues at Huairou was replaced by a concentration on more
symbolic and superficial concerns - how will the action be perceived by
others rather than does it address the problem. Although the Beijing
Platform for Action  (see annexed to the end of this article) included very
specific provisions advocating the equal participation of women in
decision-making and leadership at all levels, it was far from practising
what it preached.

As I observed this rather startling contrast, it occurred to me that the usual
sex roles in decision-making and leadership had been reversed in Huairou,
while the Beijing Conference represented the status quo. The experience of
marginality that some men undoubtedly felt in Huairou was one that
women have learned to accept as 'normal': the consequence of living and
working in an environment that was created by, and continued to be
dominated by, people with different needs, interests and priorities from
your own. The experience of "men as men" (rather than as individuals) in
Huairou would tell us a great deal about why, despite the provisions of the
Platform for Action, women are still so far from achieving equality in
decision-making and leadership.

Current Levels of Women's Participation in Decision-Making and Leadership
Tables 1 and 2  (annexed at the end of this article) show just how far
women are from achieving equal participation in decision-making and
leadership. From most perspectives, the picture is rather gloomy:
women's share of decision-making and leadership is small and, in most
parts of the world, shows no clear trend toward improvement. Only in the
Nordic countries are women approaching equality in the political sphere,
and even in those countries the picture in the private sector  and such key
institutions as universities is often much less satisfactory. For example,
almost no women are managing directors in the 100 largest private
enterprises in the Nordic countries. (Last week's British election gives
cause for greater optimism: reports indicate that 125 women were elected
in the Labour Party's 419 seat landslide win.)

By 1995, only 24 women had ever been elected as heads of State of
Government in modern times. In this case the trend appears more
encouraging: half had been elected to office since 1990. Between 1987 and
1995, the number of countries where women held no ministerial posts fell
from 93 to 59. However, less than 6 per cent of cabinet ministers were
women in 1994 and women held more than 15 per cent of ministerial
positions in only 16 countries.

Changes in women's participation in government show no clear trend. For
example, most countries where women hold top ministerial positions do
not have comparable representation at the sub-ministerial, suggesting that
women senior ministers are not pioneering a new trend. Women's
membership in parliaments has declined in eastern and western Asia and
fell sharply in eastern Europe after 1987, although women seem to have
increased their share of seats in recent elections. However, measures such
as the 33.3 per cent reservation for women introduced by the Government
of India at the local level and now being considered for other levels of
decision-making can be expected to create a pool of experienced potential
women leaders. These women may begin to more into political decision
making in increasing numbers in future.

Table 2 suggests that women are excluded from decision-making by more
than just lack of education. Women's position in the labour force as a
significant source of highly skilled and qualified labour as professional and
technical workers is not matched by an equivalent contribution as
administrative and managerial workers. In the world as a whole, women
provide almost 40 per cent of professional and technical workers but less
than 15 per cent of administrators and managers. Even in the industrial
countries, the proportions are quite unbalanced: almost half the
professional and technical workers but just over one quarter of the
administrators and managers. As the experience of the United Nations
suggests (Table 1), the imbalance becomes more pronounced in the higher
levels of decision-making. The UN experience also shows how fragile
improvement may be; in 1949 there were more women in the UN, although
heavily concentrated at the lowest levels, than a quarter of a century later
in 1975.

Why should women share decision-making and leadership?
The Beijing Platform for Action includes a strong statement calling for
governments to ensure women's equal access to and full participation in
power structures and decision-making. It also called for government to
increase women's capacity to participate in decision making and
leadership. Why is it necessary or desirable for women to share in
decision-making and leadership? Two kinds of argument may be  advanced,
a human rights argument and a more pragmatic, efficiency-based argument,
although there is considerable overlap between the two.

In democratic countries, rights-based arguments are difficult to deny
(although the Beijing Platform merely noted that women's participation in
decision making is needed in order to "strengthen democracy and promote
its regular function"). It is a basic principle of democracy that adult
citizens from all walks of life should have equal access to participation in
decision-making and leadership. Ideally, representatives of groups with
specific interests and perspectives should participate directly in decision
making processes and leadership to ensure that both the agenda of issues
to be considered and the decisions subsequently made incorporate their

It is untenable that any specific interest group, say a particular ethnic or
religious group, could be systematically excluded from direct participation
in decision-making on the grounds that others can "speak" for them. Since
women and men play different roles in society and therefore have different
needs, interests and priorities, it follows that women also cannot be
adequately represented in decision-making by men.

The pragmatic, efficiency-based argument for women's participation in
decision making and leadership also starts from recognition that women
and men have different needs, interests and priorities arising from their
specific roles  and situations. Even when men are aware of and seek to
represent this difference, they lack information in the same way that
mainstream decision makers are unable to capture the perspectives and
needs of minority cultures or the poor. This failure to incorporate
women's concerns in decision making represents a major loss for society
as a whole. Women's needs, interests and concerns are not just those of
women themselves, but reflect their primary roles as mothers, wives and
caregivers. Therefore, incorporating a woman's perspective in decision
making should result in better decisions that more adequately reflect the
needs and interests of children and families (including the male members).

Finally, the Beijing Platform recognizes that women's equal participation
in decision making and political life is vital for the advancement of women.
Women remain in a position of inequality compared with men partly
because their situation, needs and concerns are not even inequality
compared with men partly because their situation, needs and concerns are
not even considered in current decision making: they do not even reach the
mainstream agenda. Much of the discussion at the NGO Forum focused
on women's need to become involved in "setting the agenda". The
advancement of women demands that women participate actively in
setting the agenda and determining issues on which decisions are to be

An Australian woman politician recently pointed out that it was only
when women entered Australian Parliament in significant numbers that
issues such as child care, violence against women and the valuation of
unpaid labour were even considered by policy makers. As a result of these
issues entering the agenda, Australia now promotes family-friendly
employment policies, including work-based childcare. 

It also recently undertook a nationally representative survey of violence
against women, collects time allocation data and is now using that data to
try to incorporate the value of unpaid work in national policy making.

Why are women marginalized in leadership?
Women are marginalized in decision making and leadership by a variety of
processes that begin in infancy. In most societies, women lack experience
of decision making and leadership in the public arena because girls, in
contrast to boys, are socialized to play passive roles and given little
opportunity to make decisions or develop leadership skills outside the
family context. 

In most traditional societies girls are kept largely within the confines of the
household and family where they are protected and taught to accept the
decisions that others - parents, teachers, brothers - make on their behalf.
As a result of this lack of experience in a public context, girls tend to lack
self-confidence and skills needed to function effectively in positions of
formal leadership. An added handicap for many is their lack of capacity
due to discrimination in access to education and training: in most countries,
women have higher levels of illiteracy and fewer years of schooling than

Even when women succeed in gaining education and enter the decision
making mainstream, they are often marginalized by an institutional setting
that reflects men's needs and situation and ignores women's different
needs and experience. Modern work patterns and practices are designed for
men who have a supportive wife to take care of their essential domestic
needs and family responsibilities at home - hence the saying that every
career woman needs a good wife! Because it is designed to fit the needs and
expectations of men, the modern work environment is not family friendly.
The hours and inflexibility of the working day, overtime, the location of
work and commuting times make it difficult for working women to meet
the dual expectations of their family and work roles, giving rise to role

Most men do not face such rule conflict because society regards their
family and personal roles as discretionary, meaning that they are
subsidiary to and have to be fitted in with the primary work role. Thus,
although men play important roles as husbands and fathers, these generally
do not interfere with their primary work role as family breadwinner. For
example, if a man's wife or child falls ill or is otherwise in need of his
assistance, he is not expected (nor, in most cases, permitted) to leave his
work in order to attend to them. Nor will he be considered as "bad" father
or husband as a consequence. 

By contrast, women's primary roles as wife and mother require their
attention 24 hours a day and thus, for working women, must be carried out
simultaneously with the work role. Even where a working woman has
domestic assistance, she is still held responsible for managing her family. If
her child or husband is ill, she is expected (and grudgingly permitted) to
interrupt her work in order to ensure that their needs are met. If she fails to
do so, society tends to judge her as a "bad" wife or mother.

In addition to role conflict, women often find themselves isolated and
marginalised in unfriendly, if not hostile, male-dominated institutional
cultures. A colleague recently described the situation of women in her
office in the following terms: women must continually prove themselves to
be capable, but the men are assumed to be competent - even when they are
demonstrably not. Women must provide strong arguments to support their
views; men are simply believed on the basis of their professional
qualifications and personal relationships.

In the work place, women are often judged by two quite different and
conflicting standards, as women and as workers, placing them in a classic
no-win situation. For example, good employees at the management level
are usually expected to be decisive, articulate, assertive and clear about
their goals and objectives. 

However, in most cultures women as women are expected to be
submissive, passive and demure. Thus a woman who displays the
characteristics of a good manager may find that her supervisors are not
appreciative because they are actually - and probably unconsciously
judging her as a woman, as well as a worker. 

Some women also find that there is no "space" for them to perform
effectively as decision makers because men dominate debate, male
networks determine promotions and sexist stereotypes (for example,
assumptions such as "women cannot work in the field", "will not take
transfers away from their families", made without actually consulting
women concerned) bar them from gaining the experience required for senior
decision-making positions.

What can be done?
This analysis of the reasons for women's exclusion from decision making
and leadership suggests a number of strategies to work toward equal access
for women to decision making and leadership. The Beijing Platform for
Action also identifies several specific issues that need to be addressed,
including socialization and negative stereotyping, which have kept decision
making the domain of men. 

The Platform calls on actors to: create a gender balance in government and
administration; integrate women into political parties; recognize that
shared work and parental responsibilities promote women's increased
participation in public life; promote gender balance within the UN system;
work toward equality between women and men in the private sector;
establish equal access for women to training; increase women's capacity to
participate and in decision-making and leadership; and increase women's
participation in the electoral process and political activities.

At the personal level, perhaps the first thing that needs to be done is to
change the way we rear our children.

We must provide our daughters with opportunities to develop their
decision making skills and leadership capacities, and we must train our
sons to respect their sisters as equals. In particular, we must ensure that
daughters have equal access to the same quantity, quality and type of
education as sons.

Since this is a long-term objective, we must also take immediate steps to
place more women in decision-making and leadership positions and, at the
same time, provide them with the necessary catch-up training and
experience in order to be effective.

However, as the experience of capable women decision makers has
demonstrated, these measures alone will not be sufficient. We also need to
address the institutional context of decision making and leadership to
create more women - and family-friendly institutions and organizational
cultures. Some industrial countries have already begun slowly to move in
this direction, reducing working hours, introducing flex-time and career
structures for part-time workers (most of whom are women) and providing
government-subsidized or work-based child care, maternity and parental
leave and emergency leave for caregivers. In addition, institutions need to
re-examine their organizational culture and work practices.

An interesting example of this may be found in a study of organizational
culture in the Bangladesh NGO BRAC in the most recent issue of the
Oxfam Journal Gender and Development (Volume 5, No.1 February 1997).
We also need to ensure that there are women in senior positions able to act
as role models and mentors for young women and to establish women's
networks that can support women in the same way that conventional
male-dominated networks support the career development and promotions
of men.

An essential step towards the more equal participation of women in
decision making and leadership is awareness-raising for men. Institutional
cultures that are unfriendly to women are not usually the result of
deliberate policies but the consequences of their development over time to
meet the needs and situations of men, who have for so long dominated the
public domain and who have different needs, priorities and concerns from

Men need to become aware of the ways in which their assumptions,
attitudes and behaviour are gendered to reflect their own situation, exclude
a woman's perspective and thus obstruct women's equal participation.
Women and men together must then negotiate a new institutional setting
that provides space for both groups.

What is being done?
As noted, a number of countries have introduced measures designed to
promote women's equal access to decision making and leadership. Some of
these, particularly in the industrial countries, are ongoing activities that are
part of a long-standing drive toward equality. Others are more recent and
seem to be specifically related to commitments made at the Beijing Fourth
World Conference on Women or to the equally important awareness
raising processes that preceded it.

An exciting example of these is the introduction of a 33.3 per cent quote
for women in the local panchayati raj elections in India. This has resulted
in a sharp increase in the number of women decision makers at the local
level and provided an important training ground for women to move on to
higher levels of decision making and leadership. The Government of India
is now considering introducing a similar quota at higher levels of

Over the last two decades, most interventions have been directed toward
strengthening women's leadership through women's organizations and
national machineries. While this is clearly essential, perhaps the time has
come to pay more attention to complementing these measures with
programmes to strengthen the capacities of individual women. In the
private and public sectors, mentoring and other leadership programmes for
women are being introduced in a number of countries. Although most of
these activities have been in the industrial countries, some developing
countries, particularly the Philippines, are now exploring the potential for
such programmes.

One area of decision making in which developing countries in the Asia
Pacific region have been particularly active is politics and the electoral
process.  As part of the preparatory activities for the Beijing Conference,
most regions of the world held national and regional meetings seeking a
more active role for women in political decision making at all levels. These
culminated in Regional Conferences and the First Global Congress on
Women in Politics held at the NGO Forum in Huairou. 

Women around the world are now preparing for the Second Global
Congress on Women in Politics to be held in New Delhi in February 1998.
The Secretariat for this conference is the Center for Asia-Pacific Women in
Politics (CAPWIP), a regional network of national and sub-regional bodies. 
CAPWIP is currently setting up a regional training programme to support
women who are already in or who are considering entering politics at any

A number of countries also held training programmes to prepare women
for participation in specific elections. For example, in Thailand a number
of training programmes were set up to assist women participate in local
elections in 1996. In the Pacific, a sub-regional training course was held in
conjunction with the regional WIPPAC Congress in November 1996 and
others are planned to prepare women for forthcoming elections in several
Pacific countries in the next two years.

Can a man be Prime Minister?
In conclusion, I would like to share with you an enlightening story told by
Mrs. Gro Hart Bruntland at the Beijing Conference. It illustrates both the
power of the stereotypes that currently obstruct women's participation in
decision making and the ways in which they can, and must be, broken.
Mrs. Hart Bruntland recalled how, when she first became Prime Minister,
many Norwegians were shocked at the idea that a woman could hold the
key decision-making and leadership post and predicted disaster and a short
tenure in office for her. 

Many years later, after successfully holding her post for more than a
decade, she was told of a conversation overheard in a primary school play
ground. A small boy had boasted to his friends that he was going to be
Prime Minister when he grows up. 

His playmates - girls - laughed and told him: "Don't be silly! A man can't
be Prime Minister - it has to be a woman."

Platform for Action - Recommendations of Beijing Conference
The Fourth World Conference on Women, Beijing, China (4-15 September,
1995), in their  Platform of Action, made the following recommendations

*	Review, adopt and maintain macro-economic policies and
	development  strategies that address the needs and efforts of
	women in poverty;

*	Revise laws and administrative practices in order to ensure women's
	equal rights and access to economic resources;

*	Provide women with access to savings and credit mechanisms and

*	Develop gender-based methodologies and conduct research to
 	address the feminization of poverty.


*	Eradicate illiteracy among women. Governments are to reduce the
	female illiteracy rate at least to half its 1990 level;

*	Improve women's access to vocational training, science and
	technology, and continuing education;

*	Develop non-discriminatory education and training;

*	Allocate sufficient resources for and monitor the implementation of
	educational reforms;

*	Promote lifelong education and training for girls and women.

*	Increase women's access throughout the life cycle to appropriate,
	affordable and quality health care, information and related services;

*	Reduce maternal mortality by at least 50 per cent of the 1990 levels
 	by the year 2000 and a further one half by the year 2015;

*	Encourage both women and men to take responsibility for their
	sexual and reproductive behaviour;

*	Undertake gender-sensitive initiatives that address sexually 
	transmitted diseases, HIVAIDS and sexual and reproductive
	health issues;

*	Increase resources and monitor follow-up for women's health.


*	Adopt and implement legislation to end violence against women;

*	Work actively to ratify and implement all international agreements
	related to violence against women, including the UN Convention on 
	the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination against Women;

*	Adopt new laws and enforce existing ones to punish members of
	security forces and policy or any other state agents for acts of 	violenc against women;

*	Set up shelters, provide legal aid and other services for girls and
	women at risk, and provide counselling and rehabilitation for 
	perpetrators of violence against women;

*	Step up national and international co-operation to dismantle 
	networks engaged in trafficking in women.


*	Increase the participation of women in conflict resolution at decision
	making levels;

*	Reduce excessive military expenditures and control the availability
	of armaments;

*	Work towards the universal ratification of the anti-mine Convention
	and Protocol by the year 2000;

*	Recognize the important roles and contributions of women in peace
	movements throughout the world;

*	Recognize the need to protect women living in situations of armed
	and other conflict or under foreign occupation, or who have become
	refugees or displaced.


*	Promote women's economic rights and independence, including
 	access 	to employment and appropriate working conditions and
	control over economic resources;

*	Facilitate women's equal access to resources, employment, markets
	and trade;

*	Provide business services, training and access to markets,
	information and technology, particularly to low income women;

*	Strengthen women's economic capacity and commercial networks;

*	Eliminate occupational segregation and all forms of employment

*	Promote harmonisation of work and family responsibilities for
	women and men.


*	Ensure women's equal access to and full participation in power
	structures and decision-making in governmental bodies and public
	administration entities, including the judiciary, international and non
	governmental organizations, political parties and trade unions;

*	Increase women's capacity to participate in decision making and
	leadership positions.


*	Create or strengthen national machineries and other governmental
	bodies; ensure that responsibility for the advancement of women is
	vested in the highest possible level of Government;

*	Integrate gender perspectives in legislation, public policies,
	programmes and projects; ensure that before policy decisions are 
	taken, an analysis of their impact on women and men is carried out;

*	Generate and disseminate gender-disaggregated data and information
	for planning and evaluation; measure, in quantitative terms,
	remunerated work that is outside national accounts.


*	Promote and protect the human rights of women by fully
	implementing all human rights instruments, especially the
	Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination
	against Women'

*	Review national laws to ensure implementation of all international
	human rights agreements;

*	Ensure equality and non-discrimination under the law and practice;

*	Achieve legal literacy.


*	Increase women's participation in and access to expression and
	decision-making in and through the media and new technologies of
	communication; governments should aim at gender balance through
	the appointment of women and men to all advisory, management,
	regulatory or monitoring bodies;

*	Promote a balanced and non-stereotyped portrayal of women in the
	media. The media organizations, NGOs and the private sector
	should 	promote the equal sharing of family responsibility and
	produce materials that portray diverse roles of women leaders;

*	Develop within mass media and advertising organizations
	professional guidelines and codes of conduct and other forms of 
	self-regulation to promote the presentation of non-stereotyped
	images of women,
	consistent with freedom of expression.


*	Involve women actively in environmental decision-making at all
	levels, including as managers, designers and planners, and as
	implementers and evaluators of environmental projects.

*	Integrate gender concerns and perspective in policies and
	programmes for sustainable development;

*	Strengthen or establish mechanisms at the national, regional and
	international levels to assess the impact of development and
	environment policies on women.


*	Eliminate all forms of discrimination against the girl-child; enact and
	enforce appropriate legislation that guarantees equal right to
	succession and ensures equal right to inherit, regardless of the sex
	of the child;

*	Eliminate negative cultural attitudes and practices against girls;

*	Eliminate discrimination against girls in education, skills
	development and training;

*	Eliminate discrimination against girls in health and nutrition;

*	Eliminate the economic exploitation of child labour and protect
	young girls at work;

*	Strengthen the role of the family in improving the status of the girl


*	At the national level, commitment at the highest political level is
	essential for the successful implementation of the Platform. By the
	end of 1996, all governments should have their own national
	strategies or plans of action. Governments should establish or
	improve effectiveness of national machineries for the advancement
	of women, and seek the active support of a broad range of other

*	At the regional and sub-regional levels, the regional commissions of
	the United Nations should promote and assist national institutions.
	Regional institutions should develop and publicize regional plans of
	action for implementing the Platform within given time-frames and

*	At the international level, all entities of the United Nations system
	should have the necessary resources and support to carry out
	follow-up activities. International financial institutions are
	encouraged to review and revise policies to ensure that their
	investments and programmes benefit women.
	To ensure system-wide implementation of the platform and to advise
	on gender issues, the Secretary-General of the United Nations is
	invited to establish a high level post in his office. The Platform also
	calls for committing adequate financial resources from all sources
	and across all sectors.

(Extract from a brochure published by the United Nations Department
of Publication Information, N.Y. 10017, USA  - November, 1995)

Women's Participation in National and International Leadership - 1995
Heads of State or	By 1995, only 24 women had been elected as heads
Government		of State or Government, half since 1990
Government and	1994 women were 5.7 per cent of cabinet ministers
Cabinet		(3.3 per cent in 1987)
			1994 Women held no ministerial position in 59
			countries (93 countries in 1987)
			1994 Women held more than 15 per cent of
			ministerial positions in only 16 countries (8 countries
			in 1987)
			Sweden 1994 - 52 per cent of ministers were

Sub-ministerial	1994 Women held  more than 15 per cent of 
level			positions in 23 countries (only 14 countries in 1987)

Parliamentary		Wide variation
representation		1987-1994 proportion of women declined in eastern
			and western Asia.
			Strongest in northern Europe (Nordic countries).

Overall			Women's representation at highest levels of
			government weakest in Asia
			In Southern Asia, women hold 5-6 per cent of senior
			positions, but in other regions of Asia, women hold
			not more than 2 per cent.
			Women most represented in social, law and justice
			1991 Formation of International Association of
			Women Judges.

United Nations	First woman Assistant Secretary General - 1972
			1993/94 12 women at this level
			1985 General Assembly first set goals for women
			30 per cent women in the Secretariat achieved 1990.
			By end of 1993, only 13 per cent of women in senior
			No women ever elected to the International Court of
			Justice (89 male judges elected since 1945).
			No woman ever appointed executive head of a UN
			autonomous or specialized agency.

Private Sector		1993, women comprise only 1 per cent of CEOs and 
			2 per cent of senior managers in the largest US
			corporations. Outside the US, there was no woman
			at the top level, 1 per cent in the second level and
			only 2 per cent at the third.

Source: United Nations, 1995. The World's Women 1995. 
Trends and Statistics, United Nations: New York.

Table 2 : Women's Participation in Decision-Making 
1990 and 1995
	Country	HDI	Women in 	Admini-		Profes-			Rank	Government 1995	strators	 sionals 
			Minis-	Sub-	Total	&	&
			terial	Minis-		Mana-	Techni-					terial		gers,	cal '90							'90% 	%
					      	female		female
Japan	3	6.7	8.8	8.3	9	42
Australia	11	13.3	26.7	23.7	43	25
New Zealand	14	7.4	20.0	16.8	32	48
Thailand	52	3.8	4.5	4.4	22	52
Korea, Rep. of 	29	3.4	1.2	1.5	4	45
Singapore	34	0.0	7.1	5.1	34	16
Fiji	47	8.7	10.7	9.8	10	45
Malaysia	53	7.7	4.7	5.8	12	45
Iran, Isl.Rep. of	66	0.0	0.5	0.4	4	33
Philippines	95	8.3	26.3	23.9	34	63
Lao, PDR	138	0.0	4.1	2.7	-	-
Vietnam	121	6.5	2.4	3.9	-	-
Myanmar	133	0.0	0.0	0.0	-	-
Pakistan	134	3.7	1.0	1.6	3	20
India	135	4.2	6.3	6.1	2	21
Bangladesh	143	4.5	3.0	3.4	5	23
Nepal	151	0.0	0.0	0.0	-	-
Papua New Guinea	126	0.0	3.1	1.6	12	30
Indonesia	102	3.6	1.4	1.8	7	41
China	108	11.1	21.1	16.2	13	48
Samoa (Western)	88	6.7	7.4	7.1	12	47
Mongolia	113	0.0	8.7	4.7	-	-
Korea, DP Rep. of	83	1.2	0.6	0.6	-	-
Sri Lanka	89	12.5	7.9	8.7	17	25
Cambodia	156	0.0	6.6	5.1	-	-
Developing Countries		7.7	8.5	7.6	10	36
Industrial Countries		12.6	11.3	10.8	27	48
Source: UNDP, 1996 - UNDP Human Development Report 1996.